- nexa - server-nexa.polito.it

Fwd: invito a Nexa
by J.C. DE MARTIN April 11, 2024

April 11, 2024

L'8 maggio c'è Lieto, che non è spostabile, vero, Dante? Se è così, allora le diciamo 11 settembre, ok? jc -------- Forwarded Message -------- Subject: Re: invito a Nexa Resent-From: juancarlos.demartin(a)polito.it Date: Wed, 10 Apr 2024 22:38:04 +0200 From: Giovanna Sissa <sissa.giovanna(a)gmail.com> To: J.C. DE MARTIN <demartin(a)polito.it> Caro Juan Carlos, purtroppo mercoledì 12 giugno non ce la faccio ad essere a Torino. Parlando di secondi mercoledì del mese, potrei essere a Torino l'8 maggio o l'11 settembre Giovanna Il giorno mer 10 apr 2024 alle ore 17:25 J.C. DE MARTIN <demartin(a)polito.it> ha scritto: Cara Giovanna, non posso ancora confermartelo, ma in linea di principio tu potresti *mercoledì 12 giugno*? L’incontro sarebbe dalle 17 alle 19. jc (messaggio spedito in movimento - scusate brevità ed eventuali refusi) > Il giorno 5 apr 2024, alle ore 18:30, Giovanna Sissa > <sissa.giovanna(a)gmail.com> ha scritto: > > > Caro Juan Carlos, > resto in attesa dunque che mi contattino i tuoi colleghi per un > mercoledì di Nexa. Mi fa molto piacere e ti ringrazio dell’invito. > A presto > Giovanna > > Il giorno ven 5 apr 2024 alle 16:09 J.C. DE MARTIN > <juancarlos.demartin(a)polito.it> ha scritto: > > Cara Giovanna, > > grazie molte per la tua disponibilità per venire al Centro > Nexa a presentare e discutere il tuo nuovo libro, *"Le > emissioni segrete. L'impatto ambientale dell'universo > digitale"*, Il Mulino, marzo 2024 [1]. > > Idealmente ci piacerebbe averti a un "Mercoledì di Nexa", che > si tiene il 2° mercoledì del mese dalle 17 alle 19. I colleghi > che hanno il calendario dei prossimi incontri ti contatteranno > per concordare con te una data che possa funzionare per tutti. > > Intanto ancora grazie e, spero, a prestissimo! > > juan carlos > > [1] > https://www.mulino.it/isbn/9788815388636?forcedLocale=it&fbrefresh=CAN_BE_A… > <https://www.mulino.it/isbn/9788815388636?forcedLocale=it&fbrefresh=CAN_BE_A…> > > > >

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16 aprile 2024 alle ore 16 " Workshop: Compliance integrata: il punto di vista della procura della repubblica e quello dell'impresa"
by Mauro Alovisio April 8, 2024

April 8, 2024

Gent.mi ho il piacere di segnalarvi e invitarvi al workshop: "*Compliance integrata:* *Il punto di vista della procura della repubblica e dell impresa" *il p*rossimo 16 aprile alle ore 16 *presso la sede della Saa, in via Ventimiglia 115 a Torino Sono previste, in apertura, le relazioni del prof. Sergio Foà, dell'avv. Mariagrazia Pellerino, del dott. Ciro Santoriello e della dott.ssa Claudia Gualtierotti del Gruppo Iren: è stato richiesto l'accreditamento per la formazione obbligatoria per gli avvocati. Per informazioni : https://www.saamanagement.it/events/compliance-integrata-imprese-pubbliche-… Durante il workshop sarà presentata la nuova edizione del *master executive on line compliance integrata per le società pubbliche e private.* All'interno del master sono approfondite attraverso testimonianze di professori, manager e consulenti diverse tematiche di interesse; la formazione e conservazione dei documenti informatici, la trasparenza on line, prevenzione della corruzione, whistleblowing, la protezione dati e cybersecurity Al termine del workshop seguirà un aperitivo. Per chi fosse impossibilitato a partecipare in presenza si può seguire on line in streaming Potete confermare la partecipazione entro il 12 aprile attraverso la compilazione del seguente form: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSdznYCfbq-Mcr2dFhyxpvSnmR2B3_GOnfU… Cordiali saluti Mauro Alovisio

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Exclusive: Google Workers Revolt Over $1.2 Billion Contract With Israel
by Daniela Tafani April 8, 2024

April 8, 2024

Exclusive: Google Workers Revolt Over $1.2 Billion Contract With Israel By Billy Perrigo April 8, 2024 8:00 AM EDT In midtown Manhattan on March 4, Google’s managing director for Israel, Barak Regev, was addressing a conference promoting the Israeli tech industry when a member of the audience stood up in protest. “I am a Google Cloud software engineer, and I refuse to build technology that powers genocide, apartheid, or surveillance,” shouted the protester, wearing an orange t-shirt emblazoned with a white Google logo. “No tech for apartheid!” The Google worker, a 23-year-old software engineer named Eddie Hatfield, was booed by the audience and quickly bundled out of the room, a video of the event shows. After a pause, Regev addressed the act of protest. “One of the privileges of working in a company which represents democratic values is giving space for different opinions,” he told the crowd. Three days later, Google fired Hatfield. Hatfield is part of a growing movement inside Google that is calling on the company to drop Project Nimbus, a $1.2 billion contract with Israel, jointly held with Amazon. The protest group, called No Tech for Apartheid, now has around 40 Google employees closely involved in organizing, according to members, who say there are hundreds more workers sympathetic to their goals. TIME spoke to five current and five former Google workers for this story, many of whom described a growing sense of anger at the possibility of Google aiding Israel in its war in Gaza. Two of the former Google workers said they had resigned from Google in the last month in protest against Project Nimbus. These resignations, and Hatfield’s identity, have not previously been reported. No Tech for Apartheid’s protest is as much about what the public doesn’t know about Project Nimbus as what it does. The contract is for Google and Amazon to provide AI and cloud computing services to the Israeli government and military, according to the Israeli finance ministry, which announced the deal in 2021. Nimbus reportedly involves Google establishing a secure instance of Google Cloud on Israeli soil, which would allow the Israeli government to perform large-scale data analysis, AI training, database hosting, and other forms of powerful computing using Google’s technology, with little oversight by the company. Google documents, first reported by the Intercept in 2022, suggest that the Google services on offer to Israel via its Cloud have capabilities such as AI-enabled facial detection, automated image categorization, and object tracking. Further details of the contract are scarce or non-existent, and much of the workers’ frustration lies in what they say is Google’s lack of transparency about what else Project Nimbus entails and the full nature of the company’s relationship with Israel. Neither Google, nor Amazon, nor Israel, has described the specific capabilities on offer to Israel under the contract. In a statement, a Google spokesperson said: “We have been very clear that the Nimbus contract is for workloads running on our commercial platform by Israeli government ministries such as finance, healthcare, transportation, and education. Our work is not directed at highly sensitive or classified military workloads relevant to weapons or intelligence services.” All Google Cloud customers, the spokesperson said, must abide by the company's terms of service and acceptable use policy. That policy forbids the use of Google services to violate the legal rights of others, or engage in “violence that can cause death, serious harm, or injury.” An Amazon spokesperson said the company “is focused on making the benefits of our world-leading cloud technology available to all our customers, wherever they are located," adding it is supporting employees affected by the war and working with humanitarian agencies. The Israeli government did not immediately respond to requests for comment. There is no evidence Google or Amazon’s technology has been used in killings of civilians. The Google workers say they base their protests on three main sources of concern: the Israeli finance ministry’s 2021 explicit statement that Nimbus would be used by the ministry of defense; the nature of the services likely available to the Israeli government within Google’s cloud; and the apparent inability of Google to monitor what Israel might be doing with its technology. Workers worry that Google’s powerful AI and cloud computing tools could be used for surveillance, military targeting, or other forms of weaponization. Under the terms of the contract, Google and Amazon reportedly cannot prevent particular arms of the government, including the Israeli military, from using their services, and cannot cancel the contract due to public pressure. Recent reports in the Israeli press indicate that air-strikes are being carried out with the support of an AI targeting system; it is not known which cloud provider, if any, provides the computing infrastructure likely required for such a system to run. Google workers note that for security reasons, tech companies often have very limited insight, if any, into what occurs on the sovereign cloud servers of their government clients. “We don't have a lot of oversight into what cloud customers are doing, for understandable privacy reasons,” says Jackie Kay, a research engineer at Google’s DeepMind AI lab. “But then what assurance do we have that customers aren't abusing this technology for military purposes?” With new revelations continuing to trickle out about AI’s role in Israel’s bombing campaign in Gaza; the recent killings of foreign aid workers by the Israeli military; and even President Biden now urging Israel to begin an immediate ceasefire, No Tech for Apartheid’s members say their campaign is growing in strength. A previous bout of worker organizing inside Google successfully pressured the company to drop a separate Pentagon contract in 2018. Now, in a wider climate of growing international indignation at the collateral damage of Israel’s war in Gaza, many workers see Google’s firing of Hatfield as an attempt at silencing a growing threat to its business. “I think Google fired me because they saw how much traction this movement within Google is gaining,” says Hatfield, who agreed to speak on the record for the first time for this article. “I think they wanted to cause a kind of chilling effect by firing me, to make an example out of me.” Hatfield says that his act of protest was the culmination of an internal effort, during which he questioned Google leaders about Project Nimbus but felt he was getting nowhere. “I was told by my manager that I can't let these concerns affect my work,” he tells TIME. “Which is kind of ironic, because I see it as part of my work. I'm trying to ensure that the users of my work are safe. How can I work on what I'm being told to do, if I don't think it's safe?” Three days after he disrupted the conference, Hatfield was called into a meeting with his Google manager and an HR representative, he says. He was told he had damaged the company’s public image and would be terminated with immediate effect. “This employee disrupted a coworker who was giving a presentation – interfering with an official company-sponsored event,” the Google spokesperson said in a statement to TIME. “This behavior is not okay, regardless of the issue, and the employee was terminated for violating our policies.” Seeing Google fire Hatfield only confirmed to Vidana Abdel Khalek that she should resign from the company. On March 25, she pressed send on an email to company leaders, including CEO Sundar Pichai, announcing her decision to quit in protest over Project Nimbus. “No one came to Google to work on offensive military technology,” the former trust and safety policy employee wrote in the email, seen by TIME, which noted that over 13,000 children had been killed by Israeli attacks on Gaza since the beginning of the war; that Israel had fired upon Palestinians attempting to reach humanitarian aid shipments; and had fired upon convoys of evacuating refugees. “Through Nimbus, your organization provides cloud AI technology to this government and is thereby contributing to these horrors,” the email said. Workers argue that Google’s relationship with Israel runs afoul of the company’s “AI principles,” which state that the company will not pursue applications of AI that are likely to cause “overall harm,” contribute to “weapons or other technologies” whose purpose is to cause injury, or build technologies “whose purpose contravenes widely accepted principles of international law and human rights.” “If you are providing cloud AI technology to a government which you know is committing a genocide, and which you know is misusing this technology to harm innocent civilians, then you're far from being neutral,” Khalek says. “If anything, you are now complicit.” Two workers for Google DeepMind, the company’s AI division, expressed fears that the lab’s ability to prevent its AI tools being used for military purposes had been eroded, following a restructure last year. When it was acquired by Google in 2014, DeepMind reportedly signed an agreement that said its technology would never be used for military or surveillance purposes. But a series of governance changes ended with DeepMind being bound by the same AI principles that apply to Google at large. Those principles haven’t prevented Google signing lucrative military contracts with the Pentagon and Israel. “While DeepMind may have been unhappy to work on military AI or defense contracts in the past, I do think this isn’t really our decision any more,” said one DeepMind employee who asked not to be named because they were not authorized to speak publicly. “Google DeepMind produces frontier AI models that are deployed via [Google Cloud’s Vertex AI platform] that can then be sold to public-sector and other clients.” One of those clients is Israel. “For me to feel comfortable with contributing to an AI model that is released on [Google] Cloud, I would want there to be some accountability where usage can be revoked if, for example, it is being used for surveillance or military purposes that contravene international norms,” says Kay, the DeepMind employee. “Those principles apply to applications that DeepMind develops, but it’s ambiguous if they apply to Google’s Cloud customers.” A Google spokesperson did not address specific questions about DeepMind for this story. Other Google workers point to what they know about Google Cloud as a source of concern about Project Nimbus. The cloud technology that the company ordinarily offers to its clients includes a tool called AutoML that allows a user to rapidly train a machine learning model using a custom dataset. Three workers interviewed by TIME said that the Israeli government could theoretically use AutoML to build a surveillance or targeting tool. There is no evidence that Israel has used Google Cloud to build such a tool, although the New York Times recently reported that Israeli soldiers were using the freely-available facial recognition feature on Google Photos, along with other non-Google technologies, to identify suspects at checkpoints. “Providing powerful technology to an institution that has demonstrated the desire to abuse and weaponize AI for all parts of war is an unethical decision,” says Gabriel Schubiner, a former researcher at Google. “It’s a betrayal of all the engineers that are putting work into Google Cloud.” A Google spokesperson did not address a question asking whether AutoML was provided to Israel under Project Nimbus. Members of No Tech for Apartheid argue it would be naive to imagine Israel is not using Google’s hardware and software for violent purposes. “If we have no oversight into how this technology is used,” says Rachel Westrick, a Google software engineer, “then the Israeli military will use it for violent means.” “Construction of massive local cloud infrastructure within Israel’s borders, [the Israeli government] said, is basically to keep information within Israel under their strict security,” says Mohammad Khatami, a Google software engineer. “But essentially we know that means we’re giving them free rein to use our technology for whatever they want, and beyond any guidelines that we set.” Current and former Google workers also say that they are fearful of speaking up internally against Project Nimbus or in support of Palestinians, due to what some described as fear of retaliation. “I know hundreds of people that are opposing what’s happening, but there’s this fear of losing their jobs, [or] being retaliated against,” says Khalek, the worker who resigned in protest against Project Nimbus. “People are scared.” Google’s firing of Hatfield, Khalek says, was “direct, clear retaliation… it was a message from Google that we shouldn’t be talking about this.” The Google spokesperson denied that the company's firing of Hatfield was an act of retaliation. Regardless, internal dissent is growing, workers say. “What Eddie did, I think Google wants us to think it was some lone act, which is absolutely not true,” says Westrick, the Google software engineer. “The things that Eddie expressed are shared very widely in the company. People are sick of their labor being used for apartheid.” “We’re not going to stop,” says Zelda Montes, a YouTube software engineer, of No Tech for Apartheid. “I can say definitively that this is not something that is just going to die down. It’s only going to grow stronger.” https://time.com/6964364/exclusive-no-tech-for-apartheid-google-workers-pro…

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Exclusive: Google Workers Revolt Over $1.2 Billion Contract With Israel
by Daniela Tafani April 8, 2024

April 8, 2024

Exclusive: Google Workers Revolt Over $1.2 Billion Contract With Israel By Billy Perrigo April 8, 2024 8:00 AM EDT In midtown Manhattan on March 4, Google’s managing director for Israel, Barak Regev, was addressing a conference promoting the Israeli tech industry when a member of the audience stood up in protest. “I am a Google Cloud software engineer, and I refuse to build technology that powers genocide, apartheid, or surveillance,” shouted the protester, wearing an orange t-shirt emblazoned with a white Google logo. “No tech for apartheid!” The Google worker, a 23-year-old software engineer named Eddie Hatfield, was booed by the audience and quickly bundled out of the room, a video of the event shows. After a pause, Regev addressed the act of protest. “One of the privileges of working in a company which represents democratic values is giving space for different opinions,” he told the crowd. Three days later, Google fired Hatfield. Hatfield is part of a growing movement inside Google that is calling on the company to drop Project Nimbus, a $1.2 billion contract with Israel, jointly held with Amazon. The protest group, called No Tech for Apartheid, now has around 40 Google employees closely involved in organizing, according to members, who say there are hundreds more workers sympathetic to their goals. TIME spoke to five current and five former Google workers for this story, many of whom described a growing sense of anger at the possibility of Google aiding Israel in its war in Gaza. Two of the former Google workers said they had resigned from Google in the last month in protest against Project Nimbus. These resignations, and Hatfield’s identity, have not previously been reported. No Tech for Apartheid’s protest is as much about what the public doesn’t know about Project Nimbus as what it does. The contract is for Google and Amazon to provide AI and cloud computing services to the Israeli government and military, according to the Israeli finance ministry, which announced the deal in 2021. Nimbus reportedly involves Google establishing a secure instance of Google Cloud on Israeli soil, which would allow the Israeli government to perform large-scale data analysis, AI training, database hosting, and other forms of powerful computing using Google’s technology, with little oversight by the company. Google documents, first reported by the Intercept in 2022, suggest that the Google services on offer to Israel via its Cloud have capabilities such as AI-enabled facial detection, automated image categorization, and object tracking. Further details of the contract are scarce or non-existent, and much of the workers’ frustration lies in what they say is Google’s lack of transparency about what else Project Nimbus entails and the full nature of the company’s relationship with Israel. Neither Google, nor Amazon, nor Israel, has described the specific capabilities on offer to Israel under the contract. In a statement, a Google spokesperson said: “We have been very clear that the Nimbus contract is for workloads running on our commercial platform by Israeli government ministries such as finance, healthcare, transportation, and education. Our work is not directed at highly sensitive or classified military workloads relevant to weapons or intelligence services.” All Google Cloud customers, the spokesperson said, must abide by the company's terms of service and acceptable use policy. That policy forbids the use of Google services to violate the legal rights of others, or engage in “violence that can cause death, serious harm, or injury.” An Amazon spokesperson said the company “is focused on making the benefits of our world-leading cloud technology available to all our customers, wherever they are located," adding it is supporting employees affected by the war and working with humanitarian agencies. The Israeli government did not immediately respond to requests for comment. There is no evidence Google or Amazon’s technology has been used in killings of civilians. The Google workers say they base their protests on three main sources of concern: the Israeli finance ministry’s 2021 explicit statement that Nimbus would be used by the ministry of defense; the nature of the services likely available to the Israeli government within Google’s cloud; and the apparent inability of Google to monitor what Israel might be doing with its technology. Workers worry that Google’s powerful AI and cloud computing tools could be used for surveillance, military targeting, or other forms of weaponization. Under the terms of the contract, Google and Amazon reportedly cannot prevent particular arms of the government, including the Israeli military, from using their services, and cannot cancel the contract due to public pressure. Recent reports in the Israeli press indicate that air-strikes are being carried out with the support of an AI targeting system; it is not known which cloud provider, if any, provides the computing infrastructure likely required for such a system to run. Google workers note that for security reasons, tech companies often have very limited insight, if any, into what occurs on the sovereign cloud servers of their government clients. “We don't have a lot of oversight into what cloud customers are doing, for understandable privacy reasons,” says Jackie Kay, a research engineer at Google’s DeepMind AI lab. “But then what assurance do we have that customers aren't abusing this technology for military purposes?” With new revelations continuing to trickle out about AI’s role in Israel’s bombing campaign in Gaza; the recent killings of foreign aid workers by the Israeli military; and even President Biden now urging Israel to begin an immediate ceasefire, No Tech for Apartheid’s members say their campaign is growing in strength. A previous bout of worker organizing inside Google successfully pressured the company to drop a separate Pentagon contract in 2018. Now, in a wider climate of growing international indignation at the collateral damage of Israel’s war in Gaza, many workers see Google’s firing of Hatfield as an attempt at silencing a growing threat to its business. “I think Google fired me because they saw how much traction this movement within Google is gaining,” says Hatfield, who agreed to speak on the record for the first time for this article. “I think they wanted to cause a kind of chilling effect by firing me, to make an example out of me.” Hatfield says that his act of protest was the culmination of an internal effort, during which he questioned Google leaders about Project Nimbus but felt he was getting nowhere. “I was told by my manager that I can't let these concerns affect my work,” he tells TIME. “Which is kind of ironic, because I see it as part of my work. I'm trying to ensure that the users of my work are safe. How can I work on what I'm being told to do, if I don't think it's safe?” Three days after he disrupted the conference, Hatfield was called into a meeting with his Google manager and an HR representative, he says. He was told he had damaged the company’s public image and would be terminated with immediate effect. “This employee disrupted a coworker who was giving a presentation – interfering with an official company-sponsored event,” the Google spokesperson said in a statement to TIME. “This behavior is not okay, regardless of the issue, and the employee was terminated for violating our policies.” Seeing Google fire Hatfield only confirmed to Vidana Abdel Khalek that she should resign from the company. On March 25, she pressed send on an email to company leaders, including CEO Sundar Pichai, announcing her decision to quit in protest over Project Nimbus. “No one came to Google to work on offensive military technology,” the former trust and safety policy employee wrote in the email, seen by TIME, which noted that over 13,000 children had been killed by Israeli attacks on Gaza since the beginning of the war; that Israel had fired upon Palestinians attempting to reach humanitarian aid shipments; and had fired upon convoys of evacuating refugees. “Through Nimbus, your organization provides cloud AI technology to this government and is thereby contributing to these horrors,” the email said. Workers argue that Google’s relationship with Israel runs afoul of the company’s “AI principles,” which state that the company will not pursue applications of AI that are likely to cause “overall harm,” contribute to “weapons or other technologies” whose purpose is to cause injury, or build technologies “whose purpose contravenes widely accepted principles of international law and human rights.” “If you are providing cloud AI technology to a government which you know is committing a genocide, and which you know is misusing this technology to harm innocent civilians, then you're far from being neutral,” Khalek says. “If anything, you are now complicit.” Two workers for Google DeepMind, the company’s AI division, expressed fears that the lab’s ability to prevent its AI tools being used for military purposes had been eroded, following a restructure last year. When it was acquired by Google in 2014, DeepMind reportedly signed an agreement that said its technology would never be used for military or surveillance purposes. But a series of governance changes ended with DeepMind being bound by the same AI principles that apply to Google at large. Those principles haven’t prevented Google signing lucrative military contracts with the Pentagon and Israel. “While DeepMind may have been unhappy to work on military AI or defense contracts in the past, I do think this isn’t really our decision any more,” said one DeepMind employee who asked not to be named because they were not authorized to speak publicly. “Google DeepMind produces frontier AI models that are deployed via [Google Cloud’s Vertex AI platform] that can then be sold to public-sector and other clients.” One of those clients is Israel. “For me to feel comfortable with contributing to an AI model that is released on [Google] Cloud, I would want there to be some accountability where usage can be revoked if, for example, it is being used for surveillance or military purposes that contravene international norms,” says Kay, the DeepMind employee. “Those principles apply to applications that DeepMind develops, but it’s ambiguous if they apply to Google’s Cloud customers.” A Google spokesperson did not address specific questions about DeepMind for this story. Other Google workers point to what they know about Google Cloud as a source of concern about Project Nimbus. The cloud technology that the company ordinarily offers to its clients includes a tool called AutoML that allows a user to rapidly train a machine learning model using a custom dataset. Three workers interviewed by TIME said that the Israeli government could theoretically use AutoML to build a surveillance or targeting tool. There is no evidence that Israel has used Google Cloud to build such a tool, although the New York Times recently reported that Israeli soldiers were using the freely-available facial recognition feature on Google Photos, along with other non-Google technologies, to identify suspects at checkpoints. “Providing powerful technology to an institution that has demonstrated the desire to abuse and weaponize AI for all parts of war is an unethical decision,” says Gabriel Schubiner, a former researcher at Google. “It’s a betrayal of all the engineers that are putting work into Google Cloud.” A Google spokesperson did not address a question asking whether AutoML was provided to Israel under Project Nimbus. Members of No Tech for Apartheid argue it would be naive to imagine Israel is not using Google’s hardware and software for violent purposes. “If we have no oversight into how this technology is used,” says Rachel Westrick, a Google software engineer, “then the Israeli military will use it for violent means.” “Construction of massive local cloud infrastructure within Israel’s borders, [the Israeli government] said, is basically to keep information within Israel under their strict security,” says Mohammad Khatami, a Google software engineer. “But essentially we know that means we’re giving them free rein to use our technology for whatever they want, and beyond any guidelines that we set.” Current and former Google workers also say that they are fearful of speaking up internally against Project Nimbus or in support of Palestinians, due to what some described as fear of retaliation. “I know hundreds of people that are opposing what’s happening, but there’s this fear of losing their jobs, [or] being retaliated against,” says Khalek, the worker who resigned in protest against Project Nimbus. “People are scared.” Google’s firing of Hatfield, Khalek says, was “direct, clear retaliation… it was a message from Google that we shouldn’t be talking about this.” The Google spokesperson denied that the company's firing of Hatfield was an act of retaliation. Regardless, internal dissent is growing, workers say. “What Eddie did, I think Google wants us to think it was some lone act, which is absolutely not true,” says Westrick, the Google software engineer. “The things that Eddie expressed are shared very widely in the company. People are sick of their labor being used for apartheid.” “We’re not going to stop,” says Zelda Montes, a YouTube software engineer, of No Tech for Apartheid. “I can say definitively that this is not something that is just going to die down. It’s only going to grow stronger.” https://time.com/6964364/exclusive-no-tech-for-apartheid-google-workers-pro…

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MEMENTO | 171° Mercoledì di Nexa | 10 aprile 2024, ore 17.00
by Nexa - Media April 8, 2024

April 8, 2024

Gentilissime, gentilissimi, Vi ricordiamo che mercoledì 10 aprile, alle ore 17.00, si terrà il 171° Mercoledì di Nexa con un incontro dal titolo "Insolvent: How to Reorient Computing for Just Sustainability". Ospite dell'incontro: Christoph Becker (University of Toronto). L'incontro si terrà IN PRESENZA e ONLINE, l'ospite si collegherà da remoto. SEDE FISICA dell'incontro: Centro Nexa su Internet e Società, Politecnico di Torino, Via Boggio 65/a, Torino (1° piano). Per accedere alla sala si raccomanda di suonare al citofono Portineria e di seguire le indicazioni segnalate lungo il percorso. QUI<https://nexa.polito.it/contatti> maggiori informazioni su come raggiungerci. STANZA VIRTUALE dell'incontro: https://didattica.polito.it/VClass/NexaEvent Maggiori informazioni alla pagina: https://nexa.polito.it/mercoledi-171 Cordiali saluti, -- Valeria Bergantino Communication Officer Nexa Center for Internet & Society Politecnico di Torino - DAUIN Via Pier Carlo Boggio, 65/A - 10138 Torino web: https://nexa.polito.it/ mail: valeria.bergantino(a)polito.it<mailto:valeria.bergantino@polito.it> tel: 3473443585

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"‘Lavender’: The AI machine directing Israel’s bombing spree in Gaza"
by J.C. DE MARTIN April 7, 2024

April 7, 2024

*‘Lavender’: The AI machine directing Israel’s bombing spree in Gaza* /The Israeli army has marked tens of thousands of Gazans as suspects for assassination, using an AI targeting system with little human oversight and a permissive policy for casualties, +972 and Local Call reveal./ By Yuval Abraham April 3, 2024 In 2021, a book <https://books.google.co.il/books/about/The_Human_Machine_Team_How_to_Create…>titled “The Human-Machine Team: How to Create Synergy Between Human and Artificial Intelligence That Will Revolutionize Our World” was released in English under the pen name “Brigadier General Y.S.” In it, the author — a man who we confirmed to be the current commander of the elite Israeli intelligence unit 8200 — makes the case for designing a special machine that could rapidly process massive amounts of data to generate thousands of potential “targets” for military strikes in the heat of a war. Such technology, he writes, would resolve what he described as a “human bottleneck for both locating the new targets and decision-making to approve the targets.” Such a machine, it turns out, actually exists. A new investigation by +972 Magazine and Local Call reveals that the Israeli army has developed an artificial intelligence-based program known as “Lavender,” unveiled here for the first time. According to six Israeli intelligence officers, who have all served in the army during the current war on the Gaza Strip and had first-hand involvement with the use of AI to generate targets for assassination, Lavender has played a central role in the unprecedented bombing of Palestinians, especially during the early stages of the war. In fact, according to the sources, its influence on the military’s operations was such that they essentially treated the outputs of the AI machine “as if it were a human decision.” [...] continua qui: https://www.972mag.com/lavender-ai-israeli-army-gaza/

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IBM and the Holocaust
by 380° April 6, 2024

April 6, 2024

Buongiorno, non mi pare fosse già stata segnalata in questa lista. Non è cronaca, è storia (controversa?); essendo stata raccontata nel 2001, è storia di 5 minuti fa. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IBM_and_the_Holocaust --8<---------------cut here---------------start------------->8--- IBM and the Holocaust: The Strategic Alliance between Nazi Germany and America's Most Powerful Corporation is a book by investigative journalist and historian Edwin Black which documents the strategic technology services rendered by US-based multinational corporation International Business Machines (IBM) and its German and other European subsidiaries for the government of Adolf Hitler from the beginning of the Third Reich through to the last day of the regime, at the end of World War II when the US and Germany were at war with each other. [...] Dehomag, the German subsidiary of which IBM owned 90%, [...] On April 12, 1933, the German government announced plans to conduct a long-delayed national census.[2]: 54 The project was particularly important to the Nazis as a mechanism for the identification of Jews, Roma, and other ethnic groups deemed undesirable by the regime. Dehomag offered to assist the German government in its task of ethnic identification, focusing upon the 41 million residents of Prussia.[2]: 55 This activity was not only countenanced by Thomas Watson and IBM in America, Black argues, but was actively encouraged and financially supported, with Watson himself traveling to Germany in October 1933 and the company ramping up its investment in its German subsidiary from 400,000 to 7,000,000 Reichsmark—about $1 million (equivalent to $23.5 million in 2023).[2]: 60 This injection of American capital allowed Dehomag to purchase land in Berlin and to construct IBM's first factory in Germany, Black charges, thereby "tooling up for what it correctly saw as a massive financial relationship with the Hitler regime".[2]: 60 [...] The 1933 census, with design help and tabulation services provided by IBM through its German subsidiary, proved to be pivotal to the Nazis in their efforts to identify, isolate, and ultimately destroy the country's Jewish minority. Machine-tabulated census data greatly expanded the estimated number of Jews in Germany by identifying individuals with only one or a few Jewish ancestors. Previous estimates of 400,000 to 600,000 were abandoned for a new estimate of 2 million Jews in the nation of 65 million.[2]: 110 As the Nazi war machine occupied successive nations of Europe, capitulation was followed by a census of the population of each subjugated nation, with an eye to the identification and isolation of Jews and Romani. These census operations were intimately intertwined with technology and cards supplied by IBM's German and new Polish subsidiaries, which were awarded specific sales territories in Poland by decision of the New York office following Germany's successful Blitzkrieg invasion.[2]: 193 Data generated by means of counting and alphabetization equipment supplied by IBM through its German and other national subsidiaries was instrumental in the efforts of the German government to concentrate and ultimately destroy ethnic Jewish populations across Europe.[2]: 198 Black reports that every Nazi concentration camp maintained its own Hollerith-Abteilung (Hollerith Department), assigned with keeping tabs on inmates through use of IBM's punchcard technology.[2]: 351 In his book, Black charges that "without IBM's machinery, continuing upkeep and service, as well as the supply of punch cards, whether located on-site or off-site, Hitler's camps could have never managed the numbers they did."[2]: 352 [...] In his book, Black quotes Leon Krzemieniecki, the last surviving person involved in the administration of the rail transportation to Auschwitz and Treblinka, as stating he knew the punched card machines were not German machines, because the labels were in English. Black details how income from the machines leased in Poland was sent through Geneva to IBM in New York. (giusto per evidenziare come le sanzioni abbiano sempre funzionato benissimo, n.d.r.) [...] No machines were sold – only leased. IBM was the sole source of all punch cards and spare parts. It serviced the machines on site either directly or through its authorized dealer network or field trainees. There were no universal punch cards. Each series of cards was custom-designed by IBM engineers to capture information going in and to tabulate information the Nazis wanted to extract. After the publication of the 2012 expanded edition, he wrote for the Huffington Post, "The punch cards, machinery, training, servicing, and special project work, such as population census and identification, was managed directly by IBM headquarters in New York, and later through its subsidiaries in Germany, known as Deutsche Hollerith-Maschinen Gesellschaft (DEHOMAG), Poland, The Netherlands, France, Switzerland, and other European countries." He added that the punch cards bore the indicia of the German subsidiary Dehomag.[10] [...] In early 2021, Black published the 20th anniversary edition with special public events and a syndicated article stating that in twenty years, "not a comma has been changed", adding that "IBM has never requested a correction or denied any facts in the book." --8<---------------cut here---------------end--------------->8--- C'è pure stata una controversia sull'editing dell'articolo stesso: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IBM_and_the_Holocaust#Wikipedia_editing_contr… La cosa *tristissima* è che a distanza di più di 60 anni c'era e c'è ancora chi nel /mainstream/ _disquisice_ sulle responsabilità dirette i meno di IBM nell'organizzazione dell'olocausto, l'aggiramento dei divieti all'esportazione e minchiate simili. Il *cuore* della questione, invece, è affrontato solo da "freaks" con la *fissa* per la protezione dei (meta)dati personali, SPECIALMENTE quelli sensibili, ma la protezione deve essere per *tutti* i (meta)dati personali; leggiamo in cosa consiste il cuore di questa questione: --8<---------------cut here---------------start------------->8--- In the early 1880s, Herman Hollerith (1860–1929), a young employee at the U.S. Census Bureau, conceived of the idea of creating readable cards with standardized perforations, each representing specific individual traits such as gender, nationality, and occupation. The millions of punched cards created for the population counted in the national census could then be sorted on the basis of specific bits of information they contained—thereby providing a quantified portrait of the nation and its citizens.[2]: 25 A circuit-closing device was used to electromagnetically record the data represented by the perforations. The technology enabled searching for individuals using the traits as search terms.[3] --8<---------------cut here---------------end--------------->8--- Tutto parte da un database centralizzato controllato da un complesso militare-indistriale nel quale sono raccolti "specific individual traits"... ve lo dice un fricchettone :-O Loving, 380° [2] Black, Edwin (2009) [2001]. IBM and the Holocaust: The Strategic Alliance Between Nazi Germany and America's Most Powerful Corporation (Paperback) (Second ed.). Washington, DC: Dialog Press. OCLC 958727212. [3] Jefferson, Brian (2020). Digitize and Punish: Racial Criminalization in the Digital Age. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. p. 20. -- 380° (Giovanni Biscuolo public alter ego) «Noi, incompetenti come siamo, non abbiamo alcun titolo per suggerire alcunché» Disinformation flourishes because many people care deeply about injustice but very few check the facts. Ask me about <https://stallmansupport.org>.

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Top Israeli spy chief exposes his true identity in online security lapse | Israel | The Guardian
by Alberto Cammozzo April 5, 2024

April 5, 2024

Nell'articolo sono interessanti ed agghiaccianti i link ad articoli sull'impiego di due /target recomendation systems/ nell'industrializzazione del massacro. Uno dei due è passato in lista se ricordo bene. <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/apr/05/top-israeli-spy-chief-exposes…> Top Israeli spy chief exposes his true identity in online security lapse The identity of the commander of Israel’s Unit 8200 is a closely guarded secret. He occupies one of the most sensitive roles in the military, leading one of the world’s most powerful surveillance agencies, comparable to the US National Security Agency. Yet after spending more than two decades operating in the shadows, the Guardian can reveal how the controversial spy chief – whose name is Yossi Sariel – has left his identity exposed online. The embarrassing security lapse is linked to a book he published on Amazon, which left a digital trail to a private Google account created in his name, along with his unique ID and links to the account’s maps and calendar profiles. The Guardian has confirmed with multiple sources that Sariel is the secret author of The Human Machine Team, a book in which he offers a radical vision for how artificial intelligence can transform the relationship between military personnel and machines. Published in 2021 using a pen name composed of his initials, Brigadier General YS, it provides a blueprint for the advanced AI-powered systems that the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have been pioneering during the six-month war in Gaza. An electronic version of the book included an anonymous email address that can easily be traced to Sariel’s name and Google account. Contacted by the Guardian, an IDF spokesperson said the email address was not Sariel’s personal one, but “dedicated specifically for issues to do with the book itself”. Do you have information about this story? Email harry.davies(a)theguardian.com, or (using a non-work phone) use Signal or WhatsApp to message +44 7721 857348. The security blunder is likely to place further pressure on Sariel, who is said to “live and breathe” intelligence but whose tenure running the IDF’s elite cyber intelligence division has become mired in controversy. Unit 8200, once revered within Israel and beyond for intelligence capabilities that rivalled those of the UK’s GCHQ, is thought to have built a vast surveillance apparatus to closely monitor the Palestinian territories. However, it has been criticised over its failure to foresee and prevent Hamas’s deadly 7 October assault last year on southern Israel, in which Palestinian militants killed nearly 1,200 Israelis and kidnapped about 240 people. Since the Hamas-led attacks, there have been accusations that Unit 8200’s “technological hubris” came at the expense of more conventional intelligence-gathering techniques. In its war in Gaza, the IDF appears to have fully embraced Sariel’s vision of the future, in which military technology represents a new frontier where AI is being used to fulfil increasingly complex tasks on the battlefield. Sariel argued in the published book three years ago that his ideas about using machine learning to transform modern warfare should become mainstream. “We just need to take them from the periphery and deliver them to the centre of the stage,” he wrote. One section of the book heralds the concept of an AI-powered “targets machine”, descriptions of which closely resemble the target recommendation systems the IDF is now known have been relying upon in its bombardment of Gaza. Over the last six months, the IDF has deployed multiple AI-powered decision support systems that have been rapidly developed and refined by Unit 8200 under Sariel’s leadership. They include the Gospel and Lavender, two target recommendation systems that have been revealed in reports by the Israeli-Palestinian publication +972 magazine, its Hebrew-language outlet Local Call and the Guardian. The IDF says its AI systems are intended to assist human intelligence officers, who are required to verify that military suspects are legitimate targets under international law. A spokesperson said the military used “various types of tools and methods”, adding: “Evidently, there are tools that exist in order to benefit intelligence researchers that are based on artificial intelligence.” Targets machine On Wednesday, +972 and Local Call placed the spotlight on the link between Unit 8200 and the book authored by a mysteriously named Brigadier General YS. Sariel is understood to have written the book with the IDF’s permission after a year as a visiting researcher at the US National Defense University in Washington DC, where he made the case for using AI to transform modern warfare. Aimed at high-ranking military commanders and security officials, the book articulates a “human-machine teaming” concept that seeks to achieve synergy between humans and AI, rather than constructing fully autonomous systems. It reflects Sariel’s ambition to become a “thought leader”, according to one former intelligence official. In the 2000s, he was a leading member of a group of academically minded spies known as “the Choir”, which agitated for an overhaul of Israeli intelligence practices. An Israeli press report suggests that by 2017 he was head of intelligence for the IDF’s central command. His subsequent elevation to commander of Unit 8200 amounted to an endorsement by the military establishment of his technological vision for the future. Sariel refers in the book to “a revolution” in recent years within the IDF, which has “developed a new concept of intelligence centric warfare to connect intelligence to the fighters in the field”. He advocates going further still, fully merging intelligence and warfare, in particular when conducting lethal targeting operations. In one chapter of the book, he provides a template for how to construct an effective targets machine drawing on “big data” that a human brain could not process. “The machine needs enough data regarding the battlefield, the population, visual information, cellular data, social media connections, pictures, cellphone contacts,” he writes. “The more data and the more varied it is, the better.” Such a targets machine, he said, would draw on complex models that make predictions built “on lots of small, diverse features”, listing examples such as “people who are with a Hezbollah member in a WhatsApp group, people who get new cellphones every few months, those who change their addresses frequently”. He argues that using AI to create potential military targets can be more efficient and avoid “bottlenecks” created by intelligence officials or soldiers. “There is a human bottleneck for both locating the new targets and decision-making to approve the targets. There is also the bottleneck of how to process a great amount of data. Then there is the bottleneck of connecting the intelligence to the fire.” He adds: “A team consisting of machines and investigators can blast the bottleneck wide open.” Intelligence divide Disclosure of Sariel’s security lapse comes at a difficult time for the intelligence boss. In February, he came under public scrutiny in Israel when the Israeli newspaper Maariv published an account of recriminations within Unit 8200 after the 7 October attacks. Sariel was not named in the article, which referred to Unit 8200’s commander only as “Y”. However, the rare public criticism brought into focus a divide within Israel’s intelligence community over its biggest failure in a generation. Sariel’s critics, the report said, believe Unit 8200’s prioritisation of “addictive and exciting” technology over more old-fashioned intelligence methods had led to the disaster. One veteran official told the newspaper the unit under Sariel had “followed the new intelligence bubble”. For his part, Sariel is quoted as telling colleagues that 7 October will “haunt him” until his last day. “I accept responsibility for what happened in the most profound sense of the word,” he said. “We were defeated. I was defeated.”

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Piracy Shield: guerra aperta cin Assoprovider (et al?), multa e FOIA d'un mund lader!
by 380° April 5, 2024

April 5, 2024

Buongiorno, «Per Piracy Shield ormai è guerra aperta: è arrivata la multa» https://tecnologia.libero.it/per-piracy-shield-ormai-e-guerra-aperta-e-arri… --8<---------------cut here---------------start------------->8--- La piattaforma antipirateria *Piracy Shield* è ancora al *centro delle polemiche*, ed è *bombardata da critiche* che si riversano automaticamente sull' *Autorità per le Garanzie nelle Comunicazioni (AGCOM)*, che tanto l'ha voluta e che la gestisce direttamente, anche se non l'ha sviluppata in casa ma se l'è fatta regalare dalla Lega Serie A di calcio. Alle critiche l'AGCOM risponde con un muro sempre più alto, con la tolleranza zero e [minimizzando gli effetti collaterali dello scudo antipezzotto]. Ma anche con le *multe*, come testimonia l'ultima comunicazione dell'associazione italiana degli Internet Provider, *Assoprovider*, che rappresenta oltre 250 aziende grandi e piccole. [minimizzando gli effetti collaterali dello scudo antipezzotto] <https://tecnologia.libero.it/piracy-shield-l-agcom-ammette-qualche-errore-8…> 1.1 *AGCOM multa Assoprovider* ────────────────────────────── A dare la notizia è stata la stessa Assoprovider: *AGCOM ha fatto la multa* all'associazione per “ /ostacolo ad attività di vigilanza/“. In pratica, secondo AGCOM, Assoprovider avrebbe provato a bloccare l'applicazione del Piracy Shield rifiutandosi di fornire all'Autorità la lista degli Internet Provider italiani. [...] Secondo Assoprovider, però, questa richiesta è inutile (come sarebbe stata inutile la risposta) perché AGCOM gestisce il *ROC (Registro degli Operatori della Comunicazione)*, al quale tutti gli Internet Provider sono obbligati a iscriversi. AGCOM, in pratica, avrebbe chiesto ad Assoprovider una lista di aziende che l'Autorità già conosce. 1.2 *Assoprovider contro AGCOM* ─────────────────────────────── La *multa di AGCOM ad Assoprovider* arriva in un momento in cui il clima tra l'associazione e l'Autorità è, a dir poco, teso. Ancora prima del lancio di Piracy Shield, infatti, Assoprovider ha criticato aspramente il meccanismo della piattaforma e ha persino *tentato di bloccarne il lancio*. Assoprovider si è rivolta al *TAR del Lazio*, ma alla fine non è riuscita a impedire l'avvio dello scudo anti pirateria. Dopo le prime segnalazioni di siti *legali bloccati per sbaglio* da Piracy Shield, però, Assoprovider è tornata alla carica chiedendo ad AGCOM la *lista di tutti i siti bloccati*. [...] 1.3 *Le multe per gli utenti* ───────────────────────────── Comunque vada tra Assoprovider e AGCOM, le *multe* che interessano maggiormente gli italiani sono quelle fatte *agli utenti del pezzotto*. C'è una grandissima confusione, infatti, su come e quando verranno multati i primi utenti e la confusione è in gran parte dovuta ad una *cattiva comunicazione da parte dell'AGCOM*. A inizio marzo, infatti, il commissario AGCOM *Massimiliano Capitanio* aveva annunciato che era già stato firmato un *accordo tra Guardia di Finanza e Procura di Roma* per favorire l'identificazione degli utenti, ma a fine mese è stato smentito dal presidente AGCOM *Giacomo Lasorella*, che ha precisato che l'accordo *non è stato ancora firmato*. Ad oggi nessuno sa realmente come verranno individuati e multati i clienti del pezzotto, anche perché tramite la piattaforma Piracy Shield *si vede il peccato ma non il peccatore*: si blocca il flusso audio-video pirata, ma non è possibile sapere chi lo sta guardando. Per avere nomi e cognomi degli utenti delle IPTV pirata, infatti, è necessario *entrare fisicamente* (o al limite informaticamente, tramite attività di cyberspionaggio) *nei computer dei criminali* che trasmettono il pezzotto: solo lì, infatti, ci sono i dettagli sui clienti e, soprattutto, sui mezzi di pagamento utilizzati. --8<---------------cut here---------------end--------------->8--- Comunucato di Assoprovider: https://assoprovider.it/piracy-shield-agcom-multa-assoprovider/ Qui altri interessanti dettagli: https://www.ilsoftware.it/piracy-shield-spieghiamo-perche-agcom-ha-multato-… «Piracy Shield: spieghiamo perché AGCOM ha multato Assoprovider» --8<---------------cut here---------------start------------->8--- Sebbene la notizia della multa a carico di Assoprovider sia venuta a galla soltanto nelle scorse ore, con una semplice ricerca su sito AGCOM abbiamo accertato che il provvedimento sanzionatorio risale al 19 marzo 2024. (https://www.agcom.it/documents/10179/33556417/Delibera+79-24-CONS/ddd272b0-…) Secondo AGCOM, Assoprovider non ha fornito alcuna fondata motivazione per giustificare l’omessa comunicazione dell’elenco degli associati, che altre associazioni analoghe pubblicano sul proprio sito Internet. Inoltre, “contrariamente a quanto osservato da Assoprovider, le banche dati a disposizione dell’Autorità (Registro pubblico degli Operatori di Comunicazione ed elenco dei soggetti richiedenti l’autorizzazione generale per la fornitura ed i servizi di comunicazione elettronica presso il MIMIT) non forniscono alcun elemento in ordine all’appartenenza degli operatori alle Associazioni“, si legge nella delibera dell’Autorità. AGCOM critica aspramente il comportamento di Assoprovider qualificandolo come una condotta particolarmente grave: “la conoscenza da parte dell’Autorità dell’elenco degli associati ad Assoprovider costituiva un requisito imprescindibile ai fini dell’effettivo funzionamento della piattaforma, come chiarito nel corso dei lavori del tavolo tecnico“. A valle della violazione contestata, l’Autorità ha così deciso di infliggere ad Assoprovider una multa di 1.032 euro diffidando altresì l’associazione dal proseguire con il comportamento sin qui tenuto. La contestazione può essere comunque impugnata e contestata dinanzi al TAR del Lazio entro 60 giorni. --8<---------------cut here---------------end--------------->8--- Ieri 4 Aprile, poi, MonitoraPA(Parody) pubblica questo tweet: https://twitter.com/Monitorapa/status/1775971307231887409 --8<---------------cut here---------------start------------->8--- Con questa risposta @AGCOMunica rigetta il FOIA di @assoprovider , ne disconosce il ruolo di rappresentanza e afferma che la conoscenza dell'elenco degli associati "costituisce un requisito imprescindibile ai fini dell'effettivo funzionamento della piattaforma #PiracyShield". --8<---------------cut here---------------end--------------->8--- Il messaggio include 3 immagini, una per ciascuna pagina del documento con il quale il 2 Aprile scorso AGCOM fornisce riscontro alla istanza di accesso agli atti presentata il 27 Febbraio scorso [1] Il documento di risposta di AGCOM è molto interessante e varrebbe la pena venga diffuso il più possibile ma: 1. I messaggi su Twitter _non_ vengono archiviati nè su Wayback Machine né su archive.today (aka archive.is) [2] 2. Assoprovider non ha pubblicato la risposta Ho le immagini salvate in locale e vorrei tanto inviarle in lista ai fini archivistici: cosa ne dicono i legali in lista, per favore? Comunque, nessuno mi impedisce di farne un riassunto: in buona sostanza AGCOM dice che l'istanza viene rigettata perché - rifiutando di fornire l'elenco degli associati - Assoprovider non ha dimostrato i propri poteri rappresentativi e ciò non permette di valutare se sussiste un interesse concreto, diretto ed attuale corrispondente ad una situazione giuridicamente tutelata e collegata. L'istanza appare inoltre essere volta al controllo generalizzato dell'operato dell'amministrazione, espressamente escluso in base all'art. 24 della legge 241/1990. Non sia mai che qualcuno voglia esercitare un controllo generalizzato sull'operato di una pubblica amministrazione, FOIA d'un mund lader! Saluti, 380° [1] https://assoprovider.it/piracy-shield-assoprovider-agcom/ documento completo qui: https://assoprovider.it/piracyaccessoatti (entrambi il link anche su Wayback Machine) [2] qui la documentazione di Internet Archive: https://help.archive.org/help/how-to-archive-your-tweets-with-the-wayback-m… «You can request an archive of all your Tweets from Twitter and upload that archive to the Wayback Machine for your Tweets to be archived.», quindi solo i titolari degli account possono attivare l'archiviazione (di tutti i loro messaggi) -- 380° (Giovanni Biscuolo public alter ego) «Noi, incompetenti come siamo, non abbiamo alcun titolo per suggerire alcunché» Disinformation flourishes because many people care deeply about injustice but very few check the facts. Ask me about <https://stallmansupport.org>.

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Il Centro Nexa a Biennale Tecnologia 2024 | 18-21 aprile 2024
by Nexa - Media April 5, 2024

April 5, 2024

Gentilissime, gentilissimi, Invitandovi a partecipare alla quarta edizione di Biennale Tecnologia "Utopie realiste", che si terrà da giovedì 18 a domenica 21 aprile 2024, vi segnaliamo, tra gli oltre 160 appuntamenti previsti in programma, gli incontri a cui partecipano alcuni tra i membri del nostro centro di ricerca. Nel dettaglio, interverranno all'evento: 1. Juan Carlos De Martin, co-fondatore e co-direttore del Centro Nexa; 2. Luca De Biase, trustee del Centro Nexa; 3. Bruce Sterling, trustee del Centro Nexa; 4. Simone Arcagni, faculty associate del Centro Nexa; 5. Antonio Santangelo, senior research fellow del Centro Nexa; 6. Mauro Alovisio, fellow del Centro Nexa; 7. Carlo Blengino, fellow del Centro Nexa; 8. Luca Peyron, faculty fellow del Centro Nexa; Per maggiori informazioni sugli interventi del Centro Nexa a Biennale Tecnologia 2024 è possibile consultare la pagina: https://nexa.polito.it/biennale-tecnologia-24 Vi ricordiamo che questa edizione di Biennale Tecnologia si terrà in presenza a Torino, con una formula che vedrà alternarsi lezioni, incontri, dibattiti, mostre e spettacoli ad accesso gratuito, ospitati presso il Politecnico di Corso Duca degli Abruzzi (sede centrale della manifestazione), il Castello del Valentino, Piazzale Duca d'Aosta ma anche negli spazi delle Officine Grandi Riparazioni e Piazza San Carlo, in aggiunta ad altre 20 sedi del programma OFF di Biennale Tecnologia. Grazie per l'attenzione, Cordiali saluti, -- Valeria Bergantino Communication Officer Nexa Center for Internet & Society Politecnico di Torino - DAUIN Via Pier Carlo Boggio, 65/A - 10138 Torino web: https://nexa.polito.it/ mail: valeria.bergantino(a)polito.it<mailto:valeria.bergantino@polito.it> tel: 3473443585

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