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Account mobilizon di Centro Nexa e ActivityPub
by Roberto Resoli Dec. 10, 2025

Dec. 10, 2025

Salve, Noto con molto piacere che Centro Nexa ha iniziato ad usare il servizio Mobilizon (istanza mobilizon.it) per divulgare eventi. È un sw libero eccellente, sviluppato dalla benemerita associazione francese Framasoft. Trattandosi di un sistema federato con il protocollo ActivityPub le sue utenze dovrebbero essere visibili dal Fediverso, rendendo immediato pubblicizzare lí gli eventi. Questo non accade (nella mia esperienza) con l'utenza: @centro_nexa_su_internet_societa@mobilizon.it https://mobilizon.it/@centro_nexa_su_internet_societa Riesco a visualizzarla, ma non a vedere gli eventi, né a seguirla. É un vero peccato, perché ho fatto lo stesso per la mia associazione: @linuxtrent@mobilizon.it https://mobilizon.it/@linuxtrent E ha funzionato bene. rob

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$64 billion of data center projects have been blocked or delayed amid local opposition
by Daniela Tafani Dec. 10, 2025

Dec. 10, 2025

$64 billion of data center projects have been blocked or delayed amid local opposition Data Center Watch Executive Summary $18 billion worth of data center projects were blocked, and another $46 billion of projects were delayed over the last two years in the face of opposition from residents and activist groups. There are at least 142 activist groups across 24 states organizing to block data center construction and expansion. Opposition to data center construction is largely motivated by local concerns. While the exact reasons opponents cite vary from location to location, some common themes are higher utility bills, water consumption, noise, impact on property value, and green space preservation. Data center projects that involve building their own power supplies are likely to attract additional opposition related to energy-generating infrastructure. A recent survey shows that while a majority of Americans support data center construction in the abstract, most are skeptical of projects in their communities. The backlash to data center development is bipartisan and does not follow the typical ideological fault lines of American politics. There have been projects blocked in red states and blue states, and there are both Republican and Democratic officials opposing new projects. A review of public statements by elected officials in districts with large data center projects (50 MW>) under consideration found that 55% of the politicians who had taken public positions against the data center projects were Republicans, and 45% were Democrats. This bipartisan opposition is notable because major data center developments tend to be located in red states, with Virginia and Oregon being notable exceptions. Even in famously business-friendly Texas, there is bi-partisan support for additional regulations on data center development in the State Senate. While there is bipartisan opposition to data center development, the exact issues emphasized by activists often differ based on their partisanship. On the left, you often see arguments around environmental concerns, while on the right, conservatives will often cite opposition to tax abatements. However, concerns over power consumption and grid strain have gained support across the political spectrum. And the traditional NIMBY opposition to new developments is driven by local residents and doesn’t tend to have a partisan lean. Data center challenges arise primarily at the local level, as most permitting decisions are made by local authorities. Consequently, even a supportive White House has limited control over delays arising at the local level. Data center development is becoming an important issue in local politics. In Cascade Locks, Oregon, voters recalled two Port Authority officials in June 2023 for supporting a $100 million data center project from Roadhouse Digital. Following the recall election, the new board canceled the data center project in July 2023. In Warrenton, Virginia, residents voted out all town council members who supported Amazon’s proposed data center in the November 2024 election. The newly elected council, composed entirely of project opponents, now has the mandate to block the data center. The future looks like Virginia The tremendous growth of the data center industry in Northern Virginia has spurred intense data center opposition. Virginia is now the focal point for community opposition to data centers in the United States, with 42 activist groups campaigning to slow, stop, or further regulate data center development. Opposition in Virginia is becoming increasingly professional and organized. In 2023, the Data Center Reform Coalition was founded to coordinate efforts among environmental, conservation, and homeowner association groups opposed to data center projects. The Data Center Reform Coalition is a growing organization, adding new members to its platform as opposition to data centers continues to rise in Virginia. Data center development has become an important political issue, with candidates for local, state, and federal office regularly taking positions on it. Legislative and regulatory measures aimed at curtailing data center growth have been introduced at both local and state levels. As data center development accelerates elsewhere in the country, local pushback on data centers is likely to follow the same pattern seen in Virginia. <https://www.datacenterwatch.org/report>

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[Responsible AI] The Systemic Risks of Mismatched Uncertainty, Sylvie Delacroix, King's College
by Daniele Quercia Dec. 9, 2025

Dec. 9, 2025

Format: 35 min talk + 25 min Q&A The Systemic Risks of Mismatched Uncertainty: Why Professional AI Needs More Than Better Calibration Join the meeting<https://teams.microsoft.com/l/meetup-join/19%3ameeting_NzY3NmJlZjYtZjdiOS00…> AI systems deployed in healthcare, education, and law face a critical challenge: many forms of professional uncertainty resist the probabilistic quantification that current systems privilege. A physician pondering whether to document suspected domestic abuse faces uncertainties about appropriate inquiry, patient safety risks, and trauma-informed care that cannot meaningfully be reduced to confidence scores. When diagnostic systems express high algorithmic confidence while failing to communicate these contextual uncertainties, the resulting mismatch between expressed and actual uncertainty creates cascading systemic risks. This talk examines why technical improvements in uncertainty quantification (while valuable) cannot address the fundamental epistemological mismatch between algorithmic confidence and professional judgment. Drawing on my recent analysis of healthcare and judicial contexts, I show how this mismatch risks eroding professionals' capacity to refine the tacit, experience-based judgment that distinguishes expert from novice performance: precisely the forms of situated knowing that depend on engaging with uncertainty rather than resolving it prematurely. The solution requires shifting from designer-centric to genuinely participatory approaches: building technical architectures that enable professional communities to iteratively refine how systems communicate uncertainty, treating uncertainty expression itself as evolving professional knowledge rather than a fixed algorithmic problem. Further reading: 1. Delacroix, S., Robinson, D., Bhatt, U., Domenicucci, J., Montgomery, J., Varoquaux, G., Ek, C.H., Fortuin, V., He, Y., Diethe, T. and Campbell, N., 2025. ‘Beyond Quantification: Navigating Uncertainty in Professional AI Systems’, RSS: Data Science and Artificial Intelligence, 1(1), p.udaf002. 2. Delacroix, S., 2025. 'Designing with uncertainty: LLM interfaces as transitional spaces for democratic revival'. Minds and Machines, 35(4), p.41. 3. Delacroix, S., 2025. ‘Moral Perception and Uncertainty Expression in LLM-Augmented Judicial Practice’, Minds and Machines, 35 (44) 4. Fraile Navarro, D., Lewis, M., Blease, C., Shah, R., Riggare, S., Delacroix, S., Lehman, R., 2025. 'GenAI and the changing dynamics of clinical consultations', British Medical Journal, 391:e085325 Sylvie Delacroix’s work focuses on data & machine ethics. She is the Inaugural Jeff Price Chair in Digital Law at King's College London; and also the founding Director of the Centre for Data Futures and a visiting professor at the Centre for Language AI research at Tohoku University (Japan). Her work has always been animated by a commitment to bridge the gap between theory and practice. This has led to launch or be involved in a variety of ethics and public policy initiatives. She is currently working on agency-enhancing uncertainty communication features for LLMs deployed in morally loaded contexts. She is also considering the social sustainability of the data ecosystem that makes generative AI possible. Subscribe to future talk announcements: Anyone outside Bell Labs can receive talk announcements by subscribing to the mailing list. To subscribe, send an empty email with the subject line "Subscribe RAI” to daniele.quercia(a)polito.it

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Letture tra teologia - filosofia e tecnologia
by don Luca Peyron Dec. 9, 2025

Dec. 9, 2025

Alcuni articoli che spero possano essere interessanti. Buona lettura dl https://www.archivioteologicotorinese.it/ojs/index.php/att/issue/view/7374 _________________________ don Luca Peyron Pastorale della Cultura tecno scientifica - Apostolato Digitale Arcidiocesi di Torino apostolatodigitale.it <https://www.apostolatodigitale.it/>

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‘Don’t pander to the tech giants!’ How a youth movement for digital justice is spreading across Europe
by Alberto Cammozzo Dec. 9, 2025

Dec. 9, 2025

<https://www.theguardian.com/media/2025/dec/09/youth-movement-digital-justic…> ‘Don’t pander to the tech giants!’ How a youth movement for digital justice is spreading across Europe Late one night in April 2020, towards the start of the Covid lockdowns, Shanley Clémot McLaren was scrolling on her phone when she noticed a Snapchat post by her 16-year-old sister. “She’s basically filming herself from her bed, and she’s like: ‘Guys you shouldn’t be doing this. These fisha accounts are really not OK. Girls, please protect yourselves.’ And I’m like: ‘What is fisha?’ I was 21, but I felt old,” she says. She went into her sister’s bedroom, where her sibling showed her a Snapchat account named “fisha” plus the code of their Paris suburb. Fisha is French slang for publicly shaming someone – from the verb “afficher”, meaning to display or make public. The account contained intimate images of girls from her sister’s school and dozens of others, “along with the personal data of the victims – their names, phone numbers, addresses, everything to find them, everything to put them in danger”. McLaren, her sister and their friends reported the account to Snapchat dozens of times, but received no response. Then they discovered there were fisha accounts for different suburbs, towns and cities across France and beyond. Faced with the impunity of the social media platforms, and their lack of moderation, they launched the hashtag #StopFisha. It went viral, online and in the media. #StopFisha became a rallying cry, a safe space to share information and advice, a protest movement. Now it was the social media companies being shamed. “The wave became a counter-wave,” says McLaren, who is now 26. The French government got involved, and launched an online campaign on the dangers and legal consequences of fisha accounts. The social media companies began to moderate at last, and #StopFisha is now a “trusted flagger” with Snapchat and TikTok, so when they report fisha content, it is taken down within hours. “I realised that if you want change in your societies, if you come with your idea alone, it won’t work. You need support behind you.” Four years later, this strategy is playing out on an even larger scale. McLaren and other young activists across Europe are banding together against social media and its ruinous effects on their generation. Individually, young people are powerless to sway big tech, but they are also a substantial part of its business model – so, collectively, they are powerful. This is the first generation to have grown up with social media: they were the earliest adopters of it, and therefore the first to suffer its harms. The array of problems is ever-expanding: misogynistic, hateful and disturbing content; addictive and skewed algorithms; invasion of privacy; online forums encouraging harmful behaviours; sextortion; screen addiction; deepfake pornography; misinformation and disinformation; radicalisation; surveillance; biased AI – the list goes on. As the use of social media has risen, there has been a corresponding increase in youth mental health problems, anxiety, depression, self-harm and even suicide. “Across Europe, a generation is suffering through a silent crisis,” says a new report from People vs Big Tech – a coalition of more than 140 digital rights NGOs from around Europe – and Ctrl+Alt+Reclaim, their youth-led spin-off. A big factor is “the design and dominance of social media platforms”. Ctrl+Alt+Reclaim, for people aged 15 to 29, came about in September last year when People vs Big Tech put out a call – on social media, paradoxically. About 20 young people who were already active on these issues came together at a “boot camp” in London. “We were really given the tools to create the movement that we wanted to build,” says McLaren, who attended with her partner. “They booked a big room, they brought the food, pencils, paper, everything we needed. And they were like: ‘This is your space, and we’re here to help.’” The group is Europe’s first digital justice movement by and for young people. Their demands are very simple, or at least they ought to be: inclusion of young people in decision-making; a safer, healthier, more equitable social media environment; control and transparency over personal data and how it is used; and an end to the stranglehold a handful of US-based corporations have over social media and online spaces. The overarching principle is: “Nothing for us, without us.” “This is not just us being angry; it’s us having the right to speak,” says McLaren, who is now a youth mobilisation lead for Ctrl+Alt+Reclaim. Debates over digital rights are already going on, of course, but, she says: “We find it really unfair that we’re not at the table. Young people have so much to say, and they’re real experts, because they have lived experience … So why aren’t they given the proper space?” McLaren’s work with #StopFisha took her on a journey into a wider, murkier world of gender-based digital rights: misogynist trolling and sexism, cyberstalking, deepfake pornography – but she realised this was just one facet of the problem. What women were experiencing online, other groups were experiencing in their own ways. A fellow activist, Yassine, 23, is well aware of this. Originally from north Africa and now living in Germany, Yassine identifies as non-binary. They fled to Europe to escape intolerance in their own country, but the reality of life, even in a supposedly liberal country such as Germany, hit them like a “slap”, they say. “You’re here for your safety, but then you’re trying to fight not only the system that is punishing the queerness of you, but you also have another layer of being a migrant. So you have two battles instead of one.” As a migrant they are seen as a threat, Yassine says. “Our bodies and movements must be tracked, fingerprinted and surveilled through intrusive digital systems designed to protect the EU.” For queer people, there are similar challenges. These include “shadow-banning”, for example, by which tech platforms “silence conversations about queer rights, racism or anything that is challenging the dominant system”, either wilfully or algorithmically, through built-in biases. Measures such as identity verification “are also putting a lot of people at risk of being erased from these spaces”, says Yassine. There can be good reasons for them, but they can also end up discriminating against non-binary or transgender people – who are often presented with binary gender options; male or female – as well as against refugees and undocumented people, who may be afraid or unable to submit their details online. Given their often tenuous residency status, and sometimes limited digital literacy and access, migrants tend not to speak out, Yassine says. “It definitely feels like you are in a position of: ‘You need to be grateful that you are here, and you should not question the laws.’ But the laws are harming my data.” On a more day-to-day level, Yassine says, they must “walk through online spaces knowing they could do harm to me”. If they click on the comments under a social media post, for example, they know they are likely to find racist, homophobic or hateful attacks. Like McLaren, Yassine says that complaining is futile. “I know that they will come back with, ‘This is not a community guidelines breach’, and all of that.” These are not mere glitches in the system, says Yassine, who now leads on digital rights at IGLYO, a long-running LGBTQ+ youth rights organisation, founded in Brussels, with a network of groups across Europe. “The systems we design inherit the very structures they arise from, so they inevitably become systems that are patriarchal and racist by design.” Adele Zeynep Walton’s participation in Ctrl+Alt+Reclaim came through personal experience of online harm. In 2022, Walton’s 21-year-old sister, Aimee, took her own life. She had been struggling with her mental health, but had also been spending time on online suicide and self-harm forums, which Walton believes contributed to her death. After that, Walton began to question the digital realm she had grown up in, and her own screen addiction. Walton’s parents made her first Facebook account when she was 10, she says. She has been on Instagram since she was 12. Her own feelings of body dysmorphia began when she was 13, sparked by pro-anorexia content her friends were sharing. “I became a consumer of that, then I got immersed in this world,” she says. “Generations like mine thought it was totally normal, having this everyday battle with this addictive thing, having this constant need for external validation. I thought those were things that were just wrong with me.” In researching her book Logging Off: The Human Cost of our Digital World, Walton, 26, also became aware of how little control young people have over the content that is algorithmically served up to them. “We don’t really have any choice over what our feeds look like. Despite the fact there are things where you can say, ‘I don’t want to see this type of content’, within a week, you’re still seeing it again.” Alycia Colijn, 29, another member of Ctrl+Alt+Reclaim, knows something about this. She studied data science and marketing analytics at university in Rotterdam, researching AI-driven algorithms – how they can be used to manipulate behaviour, and in whose interests. During her studies she began to think: “It’s weird that I’m trained to gather as much data as I can, and to build a model that can respond to or predict what people want to buy, but I’ve never had a conversation around ethics.” Now she is researching these issues as co-founder of Encode Europe, which advocates for human-centric AI. “I realised how much power these algorithms have over us; over our society, but also over our democracies,” she says. “Can we still speak of free will if the best psychologists in the world are building algorithms that make us addicted?” The more she learned, the more concerned Colijn became. “We made social media into a social experiment,” she says. “It turned out to be the place where you could best gather personal data from individuals. Data turned into the new gold, and then tech bros became some of the most powerful people in the world, even though they aren’t necessarily known for caring about society.” Social media companies have had ample opportunities to respond to these myriad harms, but invariably they have chosen not to. Just as McLaren found with Snapchat and the fisha accounts, hateful and racist content is still minimally moderated on platforms such as X, Instagram, Snapchat and YouTube. After Donald Trump’s re-election, Mark Zuckerberg stated at the start of this year that Meta would be reducing factcheckers across Facebook and Instagram, just as X has under Elon Musk. This has facilitated the free flow of misinformation. Meta, Amazon and Google were also among the companies announcing they were rolling back their diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, post-Trump’s election. The shift towards the right politically, in the US and Europe, has inevitably affected these platforms’ tolerance of hateful and racist content, says Yassine. “People feel like now they have more rights to be harmful than rights to be protected.” All the while, the tech CEOs have become more powerful, economically, politically and in terms of information control. “We don’t believe that power should be in those hands,” says Colijn. “That’s not a true democracy.” Europe’s politicians aren’t doing much better. Having drafted the Digital Services Act in 2023, which threatened social media companies with fines or bans if they failed to regulate harmful content, the European Commission announced last month it would be rolling back some of its data privacy laws, to allow big tech companies to use people’s personal data for training AI systems. “Big tech, combined with the AI innovators, say they are the growth of tomorrow’s economy, and that we have to trust them. I don’t think that’s true,” says Colijn. She also disagrees with their argument that regulation harms innovation. “The only thing deregulation fosters is harmful innovation. If we want responsible innovation, we need regulation in place.” Walton agrees. “Governments and MPs are shooting themselves in the foot by pandering to tech giants, because that just tells young people that they don’t care about our future,” she says. “There’s this massive knowledge gap between the people who are making the decisions, and the tech justice movement and everyday people who are experiencing the harms.” Ctrl+Alt+Reclaim is not calling for the wholesale destruction of social media. All these activists say they have found community, solidarity and joy in online spaces: “We’re fighting for these spaces to accommodate us,” says Yassine. “We’re not protesting to cancel them. We know how harmful they are, but they are still spaces where we have hope.” Colijn echoes this. “Social media used to be a fun place with the promise of connecting the world,” she says. “That’s where we started.” And that’s what they want it to be again. Will big tech pay attention? They might not have a choice, as countries and legislators begin to take action. This week Australia will become the first country to ban social media accounts for under-16s on major platforms including Snapchat, Instagram, TikTok and X. Last week, after a two-year deliberation, X was fined €120m (£105m) by the EU for breaching data laws. But these companies continue to platform content that is hateful, racist, harmful, misleading or inflammatory, with impunity. Meanwhile, Ctrl+Alt+Reclaim is just getting started. Other discussions on the table include campaigning for an EU-funded social media platform, an alternative to the big tech oligopoly, created by and for the public. Another alternative is direct action, either protest or consumer activism such as coordinated boycotts. “I think it’s lazy for us to be like: we don’t have any power,” says Walton. “Because we could literally say that about anything: fast fashion, fossil fuels … OK, but how do we change things?” The other alternative is simply to log off. “The other side of the coin to this movement of tech justice, and a sort of liberation from the harms that we’ve experienced over the past 20 years, is reducing our screen time,” says Walton. “It is spending more time in community. It is connecting with people who maybe you would have never spoken to on social media, because you’d be in different echo chambers.” Almost all the activists in Ctrl+Alt+Reclaim attest to having had some form of screen addiction. As much as social media has brought them together, it has also led to much less face-to-face socialising. “I’ve had to sort of rewire my brain to get used to the awkwardness and get comfortable with being in a social setting and not knowing anyone,” says Walton. “Actually, it would be really nice to return to proper connection.”

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Israeli surveillance targets US and allies at joint base planning Gaza aid and security, say sources
by Daniela Tafani Dec. 8, 2025

Dec. 8, 2025

Israeli operatives are conducting widespread surveillance of US forces and allies stationed at a new US base in the country’s south, according to sources briefed on disputes about open and covert recordings of meetings and discussions. The scale of intelligence gathering at the Civil-Military Coordination Center (CMCC) prompted the US commander of the base, Lt Gen Patrick Frank, to summon an Israeli counterpart for a meeting to tell him that “recording has to stop here”. Continua qui: <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/08/israel-mass-surveillance-us-b…>

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Île-de-France offers 550000 students and staff a sovereign cloud collaboration platform
by J.C. DE MARTIN Dec. 8, 2025

Dec. 8, 2025

*Île-de-France offers 550000 students and staff a sovereign cloud collaboration platform* A trusted digital environment for education and public service In an ambitious digital transformation project, Île-de-France chose Nextcloud partner Leviia to implement Nextcloud as sovereign collaborative suite within the regional platform monlycée.net <https://monlycee.net/>. This initiative connects over 550.000 students, teachers, and administrative staff across hundreds of high schools. In essence, they benefit from a secure, privacy-respecting environment for learning, collaboration and file exchange. The project also puts into the spotlight the region’s, commitment to digital sovereignty, GDPR compliance, and independence from non-European cloud providers. [...] continua qui: https://nextcloud.com/blog/ile-de-france-sovereign-cloud-collaboration-plat…

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MEMENTO | 189° Mercoledì di Nexa | 10 dicembre 2025, ore 17.00
by Nexa - Media Dec. 8, 2025

Dec. 8, 2025

Gentilissime, gentilissimi, Vi ricordiamo che mercoledì 10 dicembre, alle ore 17.00, si terrà il 189° Mercoledì di Nexa con un incontro dal titolo "Tech Workers e sindacato: un’analisi ecosistemica". Ospite dell'incontro: Simone Robutti (Tech Workers Coalition, Reversing.works). L'incontro si terrà IN PRESENZA e ONLINE. SEDE FISICA dell'incontro: Centro Nexa su Internet e Società, Politecnico di Torino, Via Boggio 65/a, Torino (1° piano). Per accedere alla sala si raccomanda di suonare al citofono Portineria e di seguire le indicazioni segnalate lungo il percorso. QUI<https://nexa.polito.it/contatti> maggiori informazioni su come raggiungerci. STANZA VIRTUALE dell'incontro: https://didattica.polito.it/VClass/NexaEvent Maggiori informazioni alla pagina: https://nexa.polito.it/mercoledi-189 Vi ricordiamo, inoltre, che al termine del Mercoledì di Nexa si terrà il consueto brindisi di fine anno, per salutarci e augurarci buone feste. Un saluto cordiale, -- Valeria Bergantino Communication Manager Nexa Center for Internet & Society Politecnico di Torino - DAUIN Via Pier Carlo Boggio, 65/A - 10138 Torino web: https://nexa.polito.it/ mail: valeria.bergantino(a)polito.it<mailto:valeria.bergantino@polito.it> tel: 3473443585

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Mahwish, "Watched, Tracked, and Targeted"
by J.C. DE MARTIN Dec. 7, 2025

Dec. 7, 2025

*Watched, Tracked, and Targeted* /Life in Gaza under Israel’s all-encompassing surveillance regime./ By Mohammed R. Mhawish, a Palestinian writer and journalist from Gaza Dec. 3, 2025 n the days before we reached the Netzarim checkpoint in Gaza in early April 2024, my wife and I rehearsed a stripped-down version of ourselves. We had already lived through six months of war, but this would be the first time we stood before Israeli soldiers. After seeing journalists killed, hospitals bombed, and bullets ripping through children, we believed that how we told our story could mean everything — for our lives and our chances of getting out. We would tell the truth. But we would keep it to the parts least likely to invite suspicion: that we were a displaced family obeying Israel’s orders, which often came via air-dropped flyers and anonymous, automated phone calls, to evacuate south after our neighborhood in Gaza City was left devastated by months of bombardment; that Asmaa was pregnant; and that our 2-year-old son, Rafik, was weak from malnutrition. We planned to avoid identifying ourselves as journalists. And we would say nothing to betray that we intended for this journey to be the start of our escape from Gaza, that we planned to exit into Egypt through the Rafah crossing. I practiced my answers until the words felt cold. I was prepared to speak only as a father and husband trying to survive. We walked through a shell-scarred stretch of road by the Mediterranean. The stroller wheels scraped against broken concrete; drones hummed above. My /hawiya/ — the green Israeli-authorized ID Gazans carry — was in my pocket. After about two hours of walking, we arrived at Netzarim. A coastal stretch where families once walked the beach, it was now a militarized corridor of tanks, berms, and scanners. Two tanks sat ahead of us, snipers stood above the mounds of debris, and a line of soldiers grew clearer with every step. At the checkpoint, soldiers herded the crowd into groups of five. I kept my eyes on Rafik. A soldier motioned us forward toward a camera: a dark orb behind glass on a tripod, a red light blinking beneath its lens. While Asmaa gripped our son’s hand, soldiers watched a screen behind the camera. Asmaa and Rafik went first. We stared into it and held our breath, waiting for their thumbs-up — the signal soldiers had used for people to move on. Others were pulled aside. [...] continua qui: https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/watched-tracked-targeted-israel-sur…

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finanziamento ricerca innovativa [era: Sondaggio della Commissione europea …]
by Giuseppe Attardi Dec. 5, 2025

Dec. 5, 2025

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